Lecture 1. Qualitative Research Methods in Rural Development Studies (4903-470). Practical Examples

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Introduction A little exercise in interviewing Please interview your neighbour about

Introduction A little exercise in interviewing

Please interview your neighbour about the issues,

and then introduce him/her to the class – and vice versa
1. What is your name?
2. Where were you born, and where did you grow up?
3. Where and what did you study before coming to Hohenheim?
4. What are your career goals?
5. Why are you interested in learning about qualitative research methods?
• What do you expect from this course?
• How is this course linked to your career goals?
6. Do you have any experience in working and/or conducting research in a developing country? If yes, could you please share some information about it.
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Qualitative and Quantitative Research “There's no such thing as qualitative data.

Qualitative and Quantitative Research
“There's no such thing as qualitative data. Everything

is either 1 or 0”
- Fred Kerlinger
“All research ultimately has a qualitative grounding”
- Donald Campbell
Source: Miles & Huberman (1994, p. 40) Qualitative Data Analysis

3

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Quantitative and Qualitative „In many social sciences, quantitative orientations are often

Quantitative and Qualitative

„In many social sciences, quantitative orientations are often given

more respect. This may reflect the tendency of the general public to regard science as relating to numbers and implying precision.“ (Berg, 2009)
Quantity: essentially an amount of something
Quality: elementally the nature of things- the what, how, when, and where of things
Qualitative research refers to the meanings, concepts, characteristics or descriptions of things.
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Some aspects of Qualitative Research Qualitative research is concerned with developing

Some aspects of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research is concerned with developing explanations

of social phenomena. It aims to help us to understand the world in which we live and why things are the way they are.
It is concerned with the social aspects of our world and seeks to answer questions about:
Why people behave the way they do
How opinions and attitudes are formed
How people are affected by the events that go on around them
How and why cultures have developed in the way they have
The differences between social groups
Questions which begin with: why? how? in what way? And not generally how much, how many and to what extent?
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Some misperceptions about qualitative research Misperceptions Qualitative research means you just

Some misperceptions about qualitative research

Misperceptions
Qualitative research means you just interview

people.
Qualitative research is less rigorous than quantitative research.
Doing qualitative research does not require specific training, everyone can do it.
Qualitative research requires less preparation than quantitative research.
In reality
Qualitative research requires different skills from quantitative research.
Qualitative research requires as much preparation as quantitative research.
Documenting qualitative findings, analyzing them and writing them up is as challenging as analyzing quantitative data.
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What are the learning goals of this module?

What are the learning goals of this module?

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Learning goals of this module This module aims to enable you

Learning goals of this module

This module aims to enable you to
understand

the theoretical foundations of qualitative research methods;
be familiar with a range qualitative, including participatory, research methods that can be used for different purposes (academic research, project management, advocacy);
plan research projects that are based on qualitative research methods and identify the research methods that are most suited for a given purpose;
collect empirical data using selected qualitative research methods;
analyze data that have been collected using these qualitative methods; and
Draw conclusions and policy implications from qualitative research.
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Qualitative Research in Practice Case of wildlife conservation in Jammu and

Qualitative Research in Practice
Case of wildlife conservation in Jammu and Kashmir,

India
Doctoral Research by Ms. Saloni Gupta, University of London, 2011
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Wildlife and Forest Conservation in J&K Source: Saloni Gupta, 2011 (PhD Thesis, University of London)

Wildlife and Forest Conservation in J&K

Source: Saloni Gupta, 2011 (PhD Thesis,

University of London)
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Case of Tibetan Antelope (Chiru) Chiru endemic to Tibetan high plains

Case of Tibetan Antelope (Chiru)

Chiru endemic to Tibetan high plains
Wool (known

as shahtoosh) derived from the underskin
Weaving done exclusively in Kashmir; age old industry
Huge demand in high-end fashion markets of the world
Price range 1000-10000 Euro per shawl; employs 20000 people
International ban implemented in 2002
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Production Process of Shawls Source: Saloni Gupta, 2011

Production Process of Shawls

Source: Saloni Gupta, 2011

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Trade routes of shahtoosh wool

Trade routes of shahtoosh wool

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Pictures from fieldwork De-hairing Machine Spinner Warp Threaders Warp Dressers

Pictures from fieldwork

De-hairing Machine

Spinner

Warp Threaders

Warp Dressers

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Issues in banning of shahtoosh Prevalence of myths regarding the origin

Issues in banning of shahtoosh

Prevalence of myths regarding the origin of

the wool
Trade made “illegal“ in India since 1986 but J&K has its seperate constitution
First scientific evidence on the connection between shahtoosh and killing of chiru in 1992
International pressure on the Indian government since mid 1990s; role of conservation NGOs (WPSI, IFAW)
Long legal battle in the J&K High Court and Supreme Court
Decision to ban trade in 2002; massive unemployment issue
Shawl traders and manufacturers resisted the ban; poor workers made scapegoats
False promises; No compensation or rehabilitation
Trade continues illegally; workers further marginalised
What after antelope population rises?
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Some questions for discussion... The research objective is to understand the

Some questions for discussion...

The research objective is to understand the process

of banning of Shahtoosh, its impact on the livelihoods of dependent communities, and percpetions of different actors involved.
What are the limitations and prospects of exploring this issue with the help of quantitative data?
Is qualitative research more suitable to understand processes and politics of resource conservation ?
How could one make use of qualitative research methods in this case?
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Data collection Historical records, travellers accounts, archives etc Reports produced by

Data collection

Historical records, travellers accounts, archives etc
Reports produced by wildlife conservation

agencies
Proceedings of the High Court and Supreme Court (documents relating to legal battle)
Fact finding mission reports and other government records
Interviews with various stake holders:
schedules with open ended questions, semi-structured interviews, focus groups, informal conversations and observation
Purposive and Snowball sampling
interviewed a total of 117 respondents - 92 shahtoosh workers; 16 government officials; 7 conservationists and 2 politicians
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Description of fieldwork period Stage 1: Building up contacts, personal setup

Description of fieldwork period

Stage 1: Building up contacts, personal setup and

initial interviews with workers
Finding a safe place to stay
Interpreter and/or research assistant
Preliminary information from reports produced by wildlife organisations
Mapping out categories localities of workers
Preliminary interviews with key informants- senior members of workers community
Preperation of questions and schedules for next round of interviews with workers
Information about protest, resistance and illegal trade emerged during this stage
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Description of fieldwork period Stage 2: Interviews with state actors and

Description of fieldwork period

Stage 2: Interviews with state actors and local

NGOs
Understanding the ´´split´´ role of the state in enforcing the ban and allowing the trade to continue
Interviews with local NGOs and state actors on rehabilitation
Conflicts between the state and NGO actors
Stage 3: Interviews with central government officials and national NGOs
Insights into the legal battle between the centre, state and conservationist groups
Efforts towards rehabiliation or compensation
Status of illegal trade after the ban
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History of Shawl Industry Origin of shawl industry (14th century) State

History of Shawl Industry

Origin of shawl industry (14th century)
State owned workshops

(karkhanas) developed under the Mughals (16th century)
Shawl revenue more than land revenue during Afghan rule (18th century)
Expansion of shawl markets and trade with Europe (19th century)
Complex division of labour; brokers became powerful
Heavy taxation on poor shawl workers continued until independence
Working conditions improved a bit in post-independence period
Industry dominated by rulers and merchants in pre-independence period was now dominated by manufacturers and traders
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Legal Status of Chiru Listed in Appendix 1 of CITES, making

Legal Status of Chiru

Listed in Appendix 1 of CITES, making trade

illegal
Listed as “endangered” in the IUCN Red List of Threatened Animals
In India, protected under the Wildlife Act 1977; permitted trade under license
Completely banned in India in 1986
J&K has its separate wildlife protection act
Under J&K Wildlife Act 1978, listed in schedule II; permitted trade under license
Trade continued in spite of international ban
Legally banned in J&K in 2002
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Ban on Shahtoosh: chronology of events Late 1980s: CITES and wildlife

Ban on Shahtoosh: chronology of events

Late 1980s: CITES and wildlife

conservation NGOs began creating awareness about shahtoosh and antelope
No awareness programmes in J&K; only in metropolitan cities
1995: CITES accused Indian MoEF of failing to stop the trade
Survey team of MoEF to study chiru habitat, and market demand; found chiru farming as not a viable option
Wildlife Warden of Leh stated that captive breeding is possible but requires high investment costs
1997: Wildlife Protection Society of India (WPSI) requested the J&K state to stop the trade as it is illegal according to international laws
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Split role of the state? Party politics being played by two

Split role of the state?

Party politics being played by two

important political outfits in Kashmir (National Conference and People’s Democratic Party)
‘Split role’ played by the J&K state; acting as an agency for imposing the ban and at the same time allowing illegal production and trade to continue
Out of 92 shahtoosh workers interviewed, 24 still engaged in shahtoosh
Manufacturers have strong links with politicians and police; poorer workers often harassed by officials
No seizures of shahtoosh in Kashmir; only confiscated outside J&K and abroad
Rent seeking opportunities for local officials
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Excerpts from interviews: politics of banning “As long as I am

Excerpts from interviews: politics of banning

“As long as I am

the Chief Minister, shahtoosh will be sold in Kashmir. The campaign to ban the trade maligns the people of the state […] There was no evidence of Tibetan antelope being reduced in number or their being shot to acquire wool for shahtoosh”
(CM of J&K, 28 June, 1998)
“Why target us? Why not raid the houses of ministers, bureaucrats and rich people? We've supplied shahtoosh shawls to most of them”
(A poor shawl hawker, 6 Nov 2006)
“We are harassed by the police. We pay several thousand rupees at different check posts until we reach Delhi. Many a time, they keep the money as well as our shawls. The Delhi police calls us notorious militants and anti-India people […] You can imagine what will happen to us after protests and agitations”
(Shawl hawker, 2 Nov 2006)
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Perpetuation of myths post-ban Excerpts from interviews: “Ban on shahtoosh is

Perpetuation of myths post-ban

Excerpts from interviews:
“Ban on shahtoosh is not justifiable

as it based on the wrong reason that wool is obtained after killing an animal found in Tibet. Actually, the wool is collected by shearing goats that live on the Nepalese side and eat white mud. Had the reason behind the ban been true, I would have been the first one to support it.”
“No animal is being killed for shahtoosh wool. Had it been the case, the animals would have become extinct centuries ago. The mere fact that the supply of wool in Kashmir has increased over the last three decades confirms the fact that the animal is safe. I have heard that the animal looks like peacock”
(Interviews with Shahtoosh weavers in Srinagar, 2006)
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Differential Impact of Ban Different categories of workers have experienced differential

Differential Impact of Ban

Different categories of workers have experienced

differential impacts
Shahtoosh workers are left to work with pashmina wool; already a saturated sector
Separators have become jobless because dehairing of pashmina wool is possible with machines
Spinners, clippers, weavers, deisgners, darners, warp-dressers and embroiderers have lost almost two-third of their incomes
Manufacturers, wool agents and traders have devised ways to compensate their losses
Artificial shortages of wool, reaching out to rural artisans, use of machines, adulteration of wool and yarn, and deducting wages of poorer workers on the pretext of illegality
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Excerpts from interviews: Differential Impact of Ban “Before the ban, I

Excerpts from interviews: Differential Impact of Ban

“Before the ban,

I was respected in my locality. People used to greet me as salaam sahib owing to my prosperity but after the ban, we are struggling even to bear the daily household expenses. The other name for our life now is compromise as we practically experience it at every step [...] These days, even a wage-labourer earns more than we do”
(Interview with a weaver, Srinagar)
“I used to clean 200 grams of shahtoosh per day and earned Rs. 250 for it. Although I did not receive this amount of wool everyday, my monthly income with shahtoosh was Rs. 1000 per month [before the ban]. With this income, I supported my family by contributing to the household expenses. After the ban, I get no wool to clean and the job of dehairing pashmina has also now been taken over by machines.”
(Interview with a separator, Srinagar)
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‘Delegated Illegality’ Poverty and lack of alternative employment opportunities are not

‘Delegated Illegality’

Poverty and lack of alternative employment opportunities are not the

only determining factors for the participation of poor workers in the now illegal trade
The workers are controlled by manufacturers and wool agents who delegate illegal tasks to them
No concrete measures were taken by the government and conservation NGOs for rehabilitation, nor any compensation paid.
Whatever discrete initiatives were taken, they failed to address their primary concerns
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Excerpts from interviews: rehabilitation “I have heard that the School is

Excerpts from interviews: rehabilitation

“I have heard that the School is providing

training to the shawl embroiderers these days. These programmes are futile as we know better designs than the young experts in the schools. The government needs to plan programmes which can help us overcome the real problems we face — low wages and exploitation.”
“I have been registered with the Handlooms Department since 1992. In 2004, I came to know about a scheme of loans for up to one hundred thousand rupees for shawl workers. I applied for it. The officer asked me the names of the instruments used in weaving and tested my weaving skills. He then asked for a bribe of 10,000 rupees and an undertaking by a government officer in support of my application for a loan. I did not know any government official and dropped the idea […]”
(Interviews with Shahtoosh workers in Srinagar, 2006)
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Conclusions Global concern for wildlife conservation is justifiable but matching accountability

Conclusions

Global concern for wildlife conservation is justifiable but matching accountability towards

affected communities is missing
.....Blanket ban without rehabilitation unlikely to meet goals of sustainable resource management, especially in conflict regions
Shrunken space for protest in Kashmir crucial to sidelining issues of alternative livelihoods of affected populations
Kashmiri shawl hawkers often face harassment from police agencies outside state, seen as suspected terrorists
Powerful actors are able to manipulate the laws and minimise losses, the poor pay the cost of conservation
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Conclusions Political climate of state largely shapes manner in which nature

Conclusions
Political climate of state largely shapes manner in which nature conservation

interventions experienced by affected communities as well as ways in which state responds to local resistance
In regions affected by violence, nature conservation policies can collide with ongoing political struggles between state, militant groups and wider civil society over legitimacy to rule
......Nature conservation interventions permeate different layers of politics from macro to micro, and in turn reconfigure power relations
......Conservations interventions rather than producing fixed outcomes are contested, resisted and reshaped by different stakeholders according to their powers and interests
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Categories and concepts emerging from data Sustainability for whom? Split role

Categories and concepts emerging from data

Sustainability for whom?
Split role of the

state
Differential impact of banning on different categories
Provides larger picture of the political, social, historical and economic contexts of conservation policies
Something difficult to capture through merely quantitative studies
Use of grounded theory helps in generating new concepts and theories (beyond simple verification!)
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Second Example Joint Forest Management in Jammu and Kashmir

Second Example
Joint Forest Management in Jammu and Kashmir

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Joint Forest Management (JFM) in J&K Rationale: Forest conservation can not

Joint Forest Management (JFM) in J&K

Rationale: Forest conservation can not be

undertaken without support and participation of local people
.....Need to create ‘Sustainable livelihoods’ in conservation programmes
By late 1980s, international forest conservation policies started to advocate decentralisation and joint management of natural resources
Also indigenous grassroots movements like Chipko demanding local control over local resources
.......Both factors led to participatory forest management policies through out India
JFM programme initiated in early 1990s, funded by central government, implemented by State Forest Departments
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JFM: Key features Forest Department (FD) and village community enter into

JFM: Key features

Forest Department (FD) and village community enter into an

agreement to jointly protect and manage forest lands around villages by sharing responsibilities and benefits
Principle: through local participation villagers will get better access to non-timber forest products and a share in timber revenue in return for their shared responsibility for forest protection
JFM Committees to assist forest staff in rehabilitating degraded forests, protecting plantations, preventing timber thefts and encroachments, enclosing grazing areas, public works
BUT.......JFM applied only in degraded forests and
plantations on community lands, not on prime forest areas
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JFM: key features Taking stock of previous JFM projects, government decided

JFM: key features

Taking stock of previous JFM projects, government decided to

give funds directly to JFM Committees
........Two-tier decentralised mechanism of FDAs at executive level and JFMCs at village level
FD claims success of JFM ----- increase in forest cover, better availability of fuelwood and fodder, active participation of communities in the programme etc.
BUT.....ground reality presents very different picture
Conducted field study in two villages of Jammu region which FD considers as ‘success’ stories
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Actors and Funding Process in JFM

Actors and Funding Process in JFM

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Ground reality of JFM From Centralisation to Decentralisation: Do blockages disappear?

Ground reality of JFM

From Centralisation to Decentralisation: Do blockages disappear?
JFM Committees

not elected but selected by field forest staff
Lack of awareness about JFMCs: rules, rights and responsibilities
Funds and decisions still controlled by field forest staff, not JFMCs
Created tensions within community (between JFMC and villagers)
More responsibilities than any real benefits for villagers
As Chairperson of the JFMC stated:
“I go and check the closures every four days. I even fight with people in the village for the illegal collection of damaged timber from the forests. I get no rewards for it. But I have to do this, otherwise if anybody damaged a closure, the staff would put the blame on me.”
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Increased Biomass, Reduced Access FD mainly grows timber species rather than

Increased Biomass, Reduced Access

FD mainly grows timber species rather than those

more useful for villagers to meet fodder and fuel-wood requirements
Behaviour of forest staff towards poorer villagers unchanged ----- still treated as ‘forest destroyers’ than ‘forest protectors’
Differential attitudes towards poor and affluent
As one respondent narrated:
“There is no change in the attitude of the forest staff towards the local people. I just need one log to repair my roof but the Guard does not provide me timber [...] All forest employees are friends of the affluent. The rich get even deodar for firewood but the poor like me cannot get it even for constructing a house. Laws are only for the poor.”
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Information asymmetries and corruption Information asymmetries between FD and villagers ------

Information asymmetries and corruption

Information asymmetries between FD and villagers ------ opportunity

for field-staff to bolster their authority as well as manipulate forest laws for private gains
Villagers confused on what is ‘legal’ and what is ‘illegal’
As stated by a village resident:
“Yes, the relationship between the forest staff and the villagers has improved in the sense that they talk courteously with us now. But they never discuss their forest activity plans with us and make late payments for the labour we provide in the construction activities. What is worse is that the permit fee is only Rs. 350 but they charge us Rs. 3000. They say that it is their commission”.
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Split-role of Field-staff Dilemmas faced by forest guard with regard to

Split-role of Field-staff

Dilemmas faced by forest guard with regard to Forest

regulations vis-a-vis local needs
Interview with a Forest Guard: 
“The forest laws are not in consonance with the needs of villagers. In winter, people come to me every day with their demands for timber to repair their houses. They also demand fuelwood at the times of marriages, community feasts and funerals. Their needs are very genuine and I give them the best possible help even going against law”.
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Illegal Timber Felling An interview with forest guard: “In Mantalai, a

Illegal Timber Felling

An interview with forest guard:
“In Mantalai, a few months

back, BSF personnel felled 15 deodar trees. The Forest Guard of Mantalai complained about this to the DFO. The DFO sent a letter to the Deputy Inspector General, BSF complaining about the illegal felling by the BSF personnel in the region. After this, the Guard started receiving threats until he apologised and presented ten kilograms of ghee [clarified butter] to the BSF personnel in the village [...] In my forest range also, they illegally fell firewood and timber [...] I am afraid of the BSF because it will start snowing next month and they will clear a forest patch, and I will have to face antagonism from the local villagers”.
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Illegal Timber Felling An interview with a village resident: “Most of

Illegal Timber Felling

An interview with a village resident:
“Most of our

forests are being destroyed by the security forces [...] The BSF gets funds from the Indian government to buy coal and kerosene oil. They pocket this money and, instead, cut the trees from the surrounding forests for firewood, taking our share away”.
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